Top 295 Brexit Quotes

In this post, you will find great Brexit Quotes from famous people, such as Clive Lewis, Kemi Badenoch, Charles Michel, David Gauke, Keir Starmer. You can learn and implement many lessons from these quotes.

Putting a credible form of Brexit to the people and off

Putting a credible form of Brexit to the people and offering Remain as an alternative will give Labour the chance to unite as a party.
I believe the vote for Brexit was the greatest ever vote of confidence in the project of the United Kingdom.
Those who think in Britain they can push the Brexit button and not have a bill to pay are seriously mistaken.
Charles Michel
Loose talk about no deal has given credibility to the simplistic slogans of the Brexit party and resulted in millions voting for them.
We were right to say from the outset that E.U. citizens should not be treated as bargaining chips but should have their rights guaranteed immediately. We were right to call on the government to publish a plan for Brexit.
I am an outcast in the Conservative party. But that’s Brexit. It has divided families. The country is divided. This is a huge fault line.
The Brexit thing says it all. It’s all to do with immigration and the people that have voted to leave the EU… for me, it’s because of racism, because they don’t want people coming into our country.
Brexit is a disaster, Italy won‘t be real about its debt, and the European Union is in trouble.
Labour needs to lead – lead on Brexit, lead in Europe, lead for the people.
For Liberal Democrats, the political choice between the hard Brexit menus offered by Boris Johnson and Jeremy Hunt might seem about as tempting as arsenic verses strychnine.
The day after Brexit I had a moment when someone said, ‘Don’t you want to go back to your own country?’ I wasn’t 100 per cent sure if he was thinking he was being kind? I was like, ‘Um… this is my home, thank you.’
One thing we can be sure of is that Brexit will leave its mark on the E.U.
Every day we let this Brexit mess go on means less money being invested in the UK, fewer jobs being created and less tax revenue to pay for our public services.
After Brexit, we need to design a modern and fair immigration system which attracts talent and investment from the E.U. and the rest of the world.
In the hundreds of hours spent in Parliament debating Brexit, I constantly think of how we could have spent our time better.
By stopping Brexit, investing in skills and providing tailored support to key industries, we can get the UK economy back on track and help the communities that have been hit hardest by the threat of Brexit.
Brexit – I was sick of it when it was all happening. It’s off the news now, but when Covid settles down it will just come back again.
The architects of Brexit are a cocktail of lying racists and buffoons. I don’t think even someone as cynical as me could have predicted how deeply stupid these people are.
The only way Brexit might have worked without an economic collapse is the Norway model of close integration with the structure of the European customs union and single market without being part of the formal E.U. institutions.
Brexiteers often hark back to the blitz. Maybe they think the ‘Britain standing alone‘ motif adds much-needed heroic purpose to a Brexit future in which Britain stands without trading partners or allies to tackle climate change.
You don’t have to be a political insider to know that Parliament, along with parts of the Government, has colluded in sabotaging Brexit.
Brexit was, at its heart, about democracy and sovereignty.
Brexit is not a viable path for Britain.
Schools unable to keep their lights on and their doors open for the full working week is just the latest bleak instalment of a long-running show. The age of austerity returns for its ninth miserable year; always in the background, the common denominator in everything from the Brexit vote to knife crime.
I will always believe that my vote, and the votes of my Lib Dem colleagues, are the best thing I can do to save this country from a no-deal Brexit and save it from Boris Johnson.
Brexit will lead to a flight of talent, money and taxes – and the country will have to take on more and more debt.
I am attached to a strict approach to Brexit: I respect the British vote, but the worst thing would be a sort of weak E.U. vis-a-vis the British.
The U.K. decided to leave the E.U. – Brexit means Brexit.
The Brexit campaign was transformed from a fringe eccentricity into a mass movement by a handful of people who decided to make it into an argument about identity.
From our perspective, just narrowly from the financial sector and from our institution, there’s nothing good about Brexit.
Brexit can tend to be a dialogue of the deaf.
The final Brexit deal must ensure there is no diminutio

The final Brexit deal must ensure there is no diminution in Britain’s national security or ability to tackle cross-border crime.
I believe that Brexit, whether it’s a bad deal or no deal, is a big deal – too big for anyone to ignore – but it’s not a done deal.
The case for Brexit was made on rhetorical flourishes and promises and bluster. A lot of promises on which people voted have turned out to be undeliverable. It was a false prospectus.
I accept of course we’re in deep trouble and deep difficulty. But if we, under a new leader, reinvent ourselves properly as a Brexit party, we will be faced with the inevitability at some point of a general election in order to deliver Brexit because this Parliament is stopping the delivery of Brexit.
I sometimes think that the In campaign appears to be operating to a script written by George R.R. Martin and Stephen King – Brexit would mean a combination of ‘A Feast for Crows‘ and ‘Misery.’
The nature of the final Brexit deal really matters. It is, as I have said before, the battle of our times.
It’s irresponsible to scare E.U. nationals in the U.K. by hinting that their status might change after Brexit.
Freedom of movement in Europe has been all but abandoned as a cause in British politics. Brexit was far more about freedom of movement than our exact trading relationship with the EU, and the electorate rejected it.
I think we’ve got caught up in the weeds of Brexit, and… the approach has been to try and compromise and split the difference. And that to me is not what Brexit is about.
I’ve become a lot more politicised because of Brexit.
More and more people – Leavers and Remainers – from every region, every political party and every walk of life, are demanding a vote on the final Brexit deal before we leave the EU.
My position was that if the country could unite around a soft Brexit that would be the least worst way through. But it is now very clear that the country is not going to unite around a soft Brexit. There is nobody really advocating a soft Brexit.
Henry VIII Clauses allowing the Government to change almost any law of the land by statutory instrument, if needed, to implement Brexit must be properly restricted.
One of the reasons why many British voters chose to leave the European Union was because they distrusted European institutions. Of all the many costs of Brexit, this was one I did not foresee: That it could wind up damaging the nation’s faith in its own institutions too.
The skills necessary to change nappies or negotiate Brexit are obviously very different, but both involve a great deal of trust in the competence of the people doing the job.
During the Brexit campaign there was a deficit of outrage.
People talk often of Brexit as the biggest challenge since the Second World War. It is certainly proving to be a lot more difficult and complicated than was promised by those who won the referendum campaign in 2016.
Maybe the Tory party might, instead of telling the Brexit Party what to do, make an approach to the Brexit Party and say I’ll tell you what, we’ll stand aside in certain areas. That would be a very positive thing for me, let’s work together for a new kind of politics.
The E.U.’s tax and regulatory policies, climate-change and welfare spending, and free immigration even in wartime are gradually ruining Europe. That’s why I believe Brexit is good for British freedom, political autonomy, and the survival of democratic capitalism.
Brexit is the best thing to happen for Russia, for America, for Germany, and for democracy.
There is a sense of resignation among most people who voted Remain that we have to ‘man up’ – even the women among us – and make the most of what we know will be a rotten Brexit.
I think that what is happening now in terms of the Brexit vote does represent a serious undermining of the Good Friday Agreement.
One of the most depressing aspects of the whole Brexit debate has been the rush to instant judgment about the motives of MPs and others and the readiness to accuse others of treachery or betrayal.
I campaigned for Brexit because I have always believed that Britain would be stronger, more prosperous and secure outside of the E.U.
The day after Britain voted to leave the European Union, I woke up determined to make a success of Brexit. I was surprised by how quickly I went to acceptance of the result, without passing through any of the prior stages of grief.
We need a transitional Brexit deal that provides maximum certainty and stability. Labour will deliver it.
Brexit is not, thankfully, a question of war. But, like Iraq, Brexit is an act of unprovoked self-harm and a massive strategic mistake that threatens Britain’s credibility and authority in the world.
A united, functional opposition really could stop Brexit.
Of course we’ve got to deliver Brexit; but then we’ve got to win a majority by appealing to aspirational people in the centre ground of British politics, where there’s a gaping hole.
Jeremy Corbyn’s policy on Brexit has failed to unite his own Labour MPs and has been rightly castigated for lacking any clear course.
On ‘Question Time,’ I’ve noticed great anger from the audience. When we discuss Brexit, emotions range from white-hot fury to cold, grey apathy. As soon as we move off Brexit, debate is much more nuanced and considered.
Our interests lie in attracting added value and talent

Our interests lie in attracting added value and talent to France as a result of Brexit, but also in having a balanced relationship with Great Britain. We must not sacrifice the short term for our bilateral relationship.
It was easy for some to jump on the Brexit result and use it to make a land-grab for Northern Ireland, and it was counterproductive.
A no deal Brexit could bring Britain to a grinding halt and threaten the wellbeing of our country.
The Tories must stop focusing on their ideological obsession with a hard Brexit and their internal party divisions and start focusing on what is best for our country and our economy. Their absurd proposal that the U.K. should become the E.U.’s tariff collector is neither practical nor palatable across the Channel.
I think people will always do have an interest in policy areas, but Brexit is certainly got people talking and thinking and, so, probably more engaged than they would otherwise be.
Brexit wasn’t the European people’s first cry of revolt. In 2005, France and the Netherlands held referendums about the proposed European Union constitution. In both countries, opposition was massive, and other governments decided on the spot to halt the experiment for fear the contagion might spread.
Theresa May… is ideally placed to implement Brexit on the best possible terms for the British people, and she has promised she will do so.
So much of the agenda behind Brexit has been murky.
Brexit is a major concern for us, and it should be a major concern for all of us who live in the U.K. and operate out of the U.K.
What a travesty it is that the high priests of Leave in 2016, who insisted to all of us that Brexit would mean a return to parliamentary sovereignty, are undermining and circumventing parliamentary sovereignty in order to deliver their hard Brexit.
There is no question in my mind that a ‘Brexit’ would deal a significant blow to the E.U.’s strength and resilience at exactly the moment when the West is under attack from multiple directions.
Whether it is a hard or soft Brexit, there are opportunities here for us to be had.
Some in favour of Brexit are so fixated on leaving the E.U., they keep arguing that any attempt to change it is some form of sabotage.
My eldest son you know, in his short life so far, he’s experimented with Corbynism, Communism, Brexit. He’s now Welsh nationalist and libertarian.
France and Germany have to send a strong signal to the Commission that we need to negotiate a pragmatic and sensible outcome that protects jobs on both sides of the Channel because, for every job lost in the U.K., there will be jobs lost in Europe as well if Brexit goes wrong.
To deliver Brexit we need to find a consensus in the party.
I’m proud to say like many of my colleagues in the Conservative Party I am fully behind Theresa May’s Brexit plans.
I was struck during the Brexit debate by how little discussion there was about the origins of the concept of a united Europe.
Jeremy Corbyn has shown no ability to provide solutions for Brexit whatsoever.
Quite simply, without UKIP, there would not have been a referendum. I am convinced that the ‘we want our country back, we want our borders back’ message that we took across the country on an open-top double decker energised non-voters to back Brexit.
I think the depressing litany of projections about World War Three and global Brexit recession we hear from the Remain side is not the sort of approach we should take into the future.
Mr Corbyn, I accuse you of failing to do your duty by not opposing in any real sense our government on the most important issue of our times – Brexit.
Brexit is a cliff, not a gradient. The mistake we are in danger of making is to believe that some Brexits are better than others when the fundamental problem is Brexit itself.
Once the country voted for Brexit, I wanted the prime minister to make a success of it, but I knew that unpicking 45 years of entwinement with the E.U. would be impossible without our elected lawmakers being fully involved.
If Parliament is voting overwhelmingly against leaving the European Union without a deal but is voting in favour of a softer Brexit, then I don’t think it’s sustainable to ignore Parliament’s position and therefore leave without a deal.
How can I care about needing a visa to travel if the furthest I’m going to travel is the town centre? For a person to care about Brexit – it’s only for people who are in a certain state of mind.
It’s time to wake up to the fact that being part of the single market is the best insurance policy we could have against a race to the bottom on wages, rights and protections that threaten British workers and that there is no ‘jobs first Brexit’ without it.
A no deal Brexit is a proposal so damaging to our future that it cannot be accepted.
The arguments in the Brexit vote and in the American presidential campaign are about the same. In a friendly way, may I also give some advice to the American people to make the right choice when the moment comes.
Left to their own devices, the Tories will squash the life out of what Brexit really represents in terms of the chance to shake up political life and overturn a complacent status quo. We cannot let that happen.
The Conservatives as a Brexit party, being very clear about their objectives are almost certainly going to have to go into some kind of electoral arrangement with the Brexit Party, otherwise Brexit doesn’t happen.
Brexit and Trump are a generational revenge. This may p

Brexit and Trump are a generational revenge. This may partly be against millennial certainty and superiority, and, indeed, ageism; and it may be a natural part of population dynamics – not only are more people getting far older than ever before, but they are older for longer than they are young.
The reality is that no Brexit deal can be achieved if Northern Ireland is never allowed to leave the Customs Union.
No-deal Brexit can and must be stopped. To do that, MPs across Parliament who oppose it need to stand up and be counted. The options available are limited, and we must come together around a workable plan.
The sheer drop in sterling since 2016 is only a taste of what’s to come if we continue down the destructive route of a no-deal Brexit.
Events keep happening that seem inexplicable and out of control. Donald Trump, Brexit, the War in Syria, the endless migrant crisis, random bomb attacks.
I worry about the direction of the U.K. and U.K. politics and governance in the event of a Brexit.
Brexit is actually a step back in the sense that you are going back from being connected to being on your own.
Brexit has really broken a taboo. The Brits have shown us that you can leave the European Union, and you can come out better.
One might have thought that Brexit would be a wake-up call for the American media. Yet, just as in the U.K. referendum, ‘Russia’ became the buzzword in the U.S. election that the political and media establishments thought would scare people into voting for the status quo.
If the widespread attempts to block Brexit gave us a glimpse into how fragile our commitment to democracy had become – reduced to a technocratic in-name-only veneerreactions to Covid are a stark reminder that freedom cannot be assumed as a social norm that’s deeply embedded into our institutions and our psyche.
There’s a way that we can deliver a Brexit that works for our country, and the really interesting thing is the amount of Tory MPs working with Labour MPs, forming that consensus.
The whole Brexit saga is, in my view, one big, terrifying leap in the dark.
I would argue that in terms of our country’s international profile, Brexit is just as significant a development as any military engagement.
I think Brexit is disappointing from an economic perspective.
With a post Brexit economic policy that sets our economy and country on the right track, with new freedoms, the U.K. will exercise greater fiscal flexibility and regulatory reform to transform our country into a dynamic engine of prosperity, job creation and growth.
With Brexit, and I think the extraordinary strain it’s put on our constitution and our representative democracy, I do sometimes feel like I’m in the middle of the 17th Century, when you are standing up for the rights of Parliament.
No one voted for a Brexit that will tie us to the E.U.’s customs rules and prevent us striking meaningful trade deals of our own.
I’m really keen to see a Labour government because there are many things to be done, not least pursuing a sensible Brexit and not one that damages our economy and jobs.
Brexit has changed everything in British politics – it has blown open a cosy, zombie-like closed world of Westminster parliamentary politics. It has broken open the traditional line between left and right, which was already an exhausted tradition.
I think our stance on Brexit has perhaps been one of the most powerful things in helping people to recognise the values of the Liberal Democrats.
I suspect my own journey to Brexit has closely followed that of Britain’s. I had doubts, then I decided we should stay in, then I had very serious doubts as our island began to sink under a tide of regulations and our government lost control of the immigration system.
For some, a sense of responsibility towards their constituents prevented them from entertaining no deal, or in some cases any form of Brexit, even as their electorate asked for it.
We have seen at first hand that upholding the Good Friday Agreement while also avoiding a hard border in Ireland is the key to unblocking the Brexit logjam.
Part of the Brexit debate was about control, having a say over our laws and money and letting politicians stand up for what the people voted for, not signing away our sovereignty.
Given that the reality of Brexit has turned out to be so far from what was once promised, the democratic thing to do is to give the public the final say.
Notice of leaving the E.U. under Article 50, for which most of us voted, provides a mechanism for extending the negotiating period by agreement if this is necessary. It is not to undermine Brexit to insist it is carried out correctly.
We didn’t do Brexit. We didn’t get money for it. We didn’t do work for it. We didn’t sign a contract.
We champion freedom – but Brexit will mean the next generation is less free to live, work and love across Europe.
You might want a certain type of Brexit deal, but you can’t get it if the numbers aren’t there.
As I predicted, young people who overwhelmingly didn’t want Brexit have turned out in their droves and exacted revenge on a generation of Leavers who they believe stole their future while enjoying generous pensions as they denied them the first rung on the property ladder.
I could see the point of Brexit if it meant returning power to the people.
Those who think that Brexit offers an opportunity to mo

Those who think that Brexit offers an opportunity to move to some low tax, almost off-shore de-regulatory haven don’t seem to care about the threat posed by Corbyn.
I think, as ever, with a big change like Brexit, it’s awakened people’s interest in politics.
Just when we need a strong government, what do we see? Division. Chaos. And failure. No credible plan for Brexit, no solution to prevent a hard border in Ireland and no majority in Parliament for the Chequers proposals.
I’ve spent my whole life fighting for leftwing causes, so I can tell you, no one is more surprised than me to be standing as candidate for Nigel Farage’s Brexit party.
Some who campaign against hate, seem to hate the Brexit party more than they love peace.
We cannot allow Brexit to be driven by narrow and divisive Tory ideology.
I’m obsessed with Brexit.
Brexit is a ceaseless grind of conversations about customs unions and backstops. Anything that can add an air of whimsical, childlike wonder to proceedings can only be a good thing.
However painful or regrettable Brexit may be, it will not stop the E.U. as it moves to the future; we need to move forward.
Being in the European Union has its advantages, and I think that is what the British are beginning to understand, what those who are tempted by the Brexit are going to reflect upon.
I don’t think Brexit is going to help people in Britain.
Brexit can be stopped.
In a deeply divided country we must either work together to get the best deal we can – and this needs compromise – or accept that Brexit cannot be implemented and think again about what we are doing.
I was strongly against Brexit. I speechified against Brexit.
We will vote down a blind Brexit. This isn’t about frustrating the process. It’s about stopping a destructive Tory Brexit. It’s about fighting for our values and about fighting for our country.
Climate change remains the biggest threat to our civilisation, economy and security – even bigger than Brexit.
If I was prime minister, there would be absolutely zero risk that Brexit wouldn’t happen.
To deliver Brexit you must believe in it.
Brexit was the first brick that was knocked out of the establishment wall.
Brexit has always been an impossible project, except at the price of massive self-harm.
Ever since Theresa May’s premiership, I have become suspicious of the ‘lectern moment’. That is when the prime minister steps outside Downing Street to address the nation on Brexit.
The only thing that I know for sure is that the people who invest in the U.K., those investors, believe strongly that the ramifications of a hard Brexit are very bad, and they believe that a recession will take place in the U.K., and that would clearly be negative for banks of the U.K.
There is no upside for the U.K. in Brexit. Only costs that can be avoided and advantages to be seized by remaining in Europe. No one should have to pay the Brexit tax.
Putting the Withdrawal Bill in order is an essential step to stability and achieving a reasonable outcome to Brexit.
We must stand up for the principle of parliamentary democracy and not allow the government’s failure in the Brexit process to be a licence for the U.K. to crash out of the E.U. without an agreement.
The Brexit vote, the presidential elections in the U.S., a number of the other regional political movements – that’s not a flash in the pan.
A Brexit Britain that will navigate its way in the world without a moral compass.
No-deal Brexit could be Boris Johnson’s biggest deception yet – worse than the Boris bus or the lies that had him sacked as a Times journalist or as a spokesman by the then Tory leader, Michael Howard.
Brexit will not be easy.
The Brexit referendum showed us to be divided, and those of us who campaigned for remain have to accept that we lost. But that does not mean that we have to agree to the deal the prime minister has brought back – a deal that satisfies no one.
I thought we were getting more liberal as a society, more inclusive and I’m gutted racism has come back stronger with Brexit, devastated and I feel Brexit promotes a racist attitude.
The issue for me is not just Brexit. It is beyond Brexi

The issue for me is not just Brexit. It is beyond Brexit – how you conduct politics and the veering towards populism and English nationalism.
The creative industries, a source of optimism in recent years owing to, among other things, a resurgence on the world stage of British music, have come out foursquare against Brexit.
I said a vote to leave would be a Brexit tax. I couldn’t think of anything stronger than that.
Yet we have learned from the Scottish independence vote and with Brexit what referendums do to our politics. They foster bitter divisions in ways that parliamentary elections tend not to do.
Good government has essentially broken down in the face of Brexit.
In the absence of honesty from the Conservative party leadership, it is Labour’s duty to spell out the very real consequences of a no-deal Brexit. It is also our duty to take whatever steps are necessary to prevent it.
If you want any hope of staying in the EU, or having a Brexit that doesn’t mean capitulation to ethno-nationalism, you’ve got to tie it to a wider vision of political and economic transformation.
As I’ve said many times, Vote Leave could only win because the Establishment’s OODA loops are broken – as the Brexit negotiations painfully demonstrate daily – and they are systematically bad at decisions, and this created just enough space for us to win.
As a strong believer that Brexit is a very damaging mistake that becomes more obvious every day, I see sound democratic reasons for asking the electorate to confirm what it wants to do.
As a past attorney general I consider a WTO Brexit to be a disaster for us as, leaving aside the economic damage it will cause, it would trash our reputation for observing our international obligations – as it must lead to our breaching the Good Friday Agreement with Ireland on the Irish border.
I believe Britain’s response to Brexit must be based on core progressive values: internationalism, cooperation, social justice and the rule of law.
Our best hope in meeting the many challenges that Brexit brings for us is being willing to be open-minded about the options we may choose to pursue.
If a no-deal Brexit would happen like has been discussed, I think we would have a major impact in terms of our operations going to the races and getting our cars developed and ready.
We were looking at different opportunities to get involved in working with Brexit but we made the decision to not work with any party – for or against – or even for any related campaigns.
We have collectively to face up to the fact that in the two main political parties there are substantial disagreements on the best form Brexit should take.
The things being smuggled in under the cover of Brexit will damage so much of what we hold dear. A cabal of tycoons would see their wealth and influence turbocharged, while the mass of the population would see their prosperity, their security and, ultimately, their liberty dwindle away.
The public wants to know that their political leaders will stay true to the promise made to them that Brexit means Brexit.
There are tradeoffs between independence and co-operation, between regulatory autonomy and market access. This means that compromises are necessary to deliver a pragmatic Brexit that protects jobs and living standards while respecting the referendum result.
Given the right to – given the opportunity to vote, I voted for Brexit because I’ve never approved really of the European Union, I never approved of it because of its attempts to confiscate national sovereignty in all the issues that matter.
The British have chosen liberty with Brexit and can congratulate themselves every day.
In some ways, backing the Trump campaign was even harder than battling for Brexit. I received almost total condemnation, including from many senior figures in my own party.
Yes, I have found many people who voted for Brexit and believe it will answer their problems. But they mostly realise that Europe isn’t the problem, however much the E.U. could be improved.
A failure to listen to the party’s grassroots was a charge regularly levelled at Theresa May – particularly over Brexit.
Once Brexit is delivered, we then need to think about how we can make the Conservatives look new and sound different.
Brexit doesn’t guarantee that migration will come down.
I welcome the Independent Group as it is committed to saving the country from a catastrophic hard Brexit.
I am Brexit tooth and claw, but we need to be pragmatic and sensible and leave with a deal.
The Brexit debate has been difficult and divisive.
The pursuit of an extreme Brexit cannot come at the cost of peace in Northern Ireland.
I’ve been clear that Brexit means Brexit.
A Final Say referendum on the Brexit that actually lies in front of us will give everyone a tangible and decisive vote. I and most people, Brexiteers and Remainers alike, want the same thing – the best for the UK.
Whatever long-term advantages are claimed for Brexit it

Whatever long-term advantages are claimed for Brexit it is overwhelmingly clear that in the short to medium term it carries risks to our economy and security.
Ensuring we have the best possible Brexit deal will take time, effort and huge diplomatic skill.
I don’t think anybody has any idea what the economic impact of Brexit will be.
There is one party, the Conservative Party who is committed to honouring the referendum result, getting Brexit done and then delivering on the priorities of the British people.
At least from a national security standpoint, none of the problems the U.S. and U.K. face will become easier to solve if the U.K. is out of the E.U.; on the contrary, I fear that a ‘Brexit’ would only make our world even more dangerous and difficult to manage.
I was asked by a journalist to sum up the story in a minute, and I was like, ‘No.’ It goes from Trump to Brexit to Russian espionage to military operations in Afghanistan to hacking the president of Nigeria. Where do you even begin?
The Brexit Party doesn’t have any candidates, because it’s not a proper political party.
Gerard Batten
Unless and until I can see an opportunity of actually reversing Brexit and restoring a stable membership of the European Union, then in the real world I concentrate on minimising the damage.
Brexit is the other face of the refugee crisis – tensions that lead to stasis, external risks that lead to asymmetric shocks.
We don’t know what is going to happen with Brexit, it’s not going to be good for the North anyway whatever happens. It’s not going to be good for Ireland whatever happens. And the problem is we don’t know what is going to happen so we can’t really prepare so everything is speculation.
Actually, Brexit is an incredibly important issue, but it’s not the only issue. And to be a credible party of Government you need to have plans for everything, not just for the delivery of Brexit.
If a prime minister can suspend parliament to deliver a ‘no deal’ Brexit, what will the government try to do next with no democratic scrutiny or oversight?
Brexit was not a coup. Far from it. In the eyes of most analysts, it was a clear sign that people are frustrated and fed up with the status quo; this is particularly the case with independent voters.
They get the faceless bureaucrats in Brussels and Strasbourg who have ruled and told the Brits how to live and making promises for them that their lives would get better and talking about a future based on globalism versus family and individual and local community. That’s what Brexit was all about.
The BBC always wants to blame things on Brexit. I’m not saying this is a conspiracy: I’m saying it is a fact of life.
If the hard Brexit happens, I would assume that London wouldn’t be the centre of the tech world in Europe.
On the night of Brexit, while some people were celebrating and others were having wakes, I stayed in and played Beethoven, his quartets mainly, into the small hours of the morning.
Embracing the freedom of Brexit gives us the choice of what sort of country we want to become and means we can look forward to a more positive tomorrow.
One of the great tragedies of Brexit has been that despite the fact there was an unprecedented public vote for change, Brexit was almost hijacked, owned, and controlled by a technocratic establishment.
I want to lead the Liberal Democrats so that we can build a liberal movement to stand up to those nationalist forces and stop Brexit, then transform our broken economy so that it is focused on the long-term and works for both people and our planet, tackling poverty and averting climate crisis.
A hard Brexit would be so damaging to the true interests of the UK that what might follow – if we are lucky – is a great unmasking, not just of the political fantasists and chancers who peddled the great Brexit swindle, but of the historical delusion that empowered them.
The Brexit and Trump phenomena are informed by similar forces and social and economic movements. I think it’s been really stressful; it’s been really scary.
Eighty per cent of the membership of the Conservative Party are very keen to make sure that Brexit happens, we’ll be in a position to enthusiastically support leaving the E.U. with no deal and if we are then able to agree a position to put to the country, I think we would hit the ball out of the park.
There are big issues facing this country. Not just Brexit… but counter-terrorism, improving the world of work, the issue of social care.
People are just repeating mantras like, ‘get Brexit done,’ ‘strong and stable,’ ‘dither and delay‘. There must be a way of satirizing it, and I long to see it, but it’s gone beyond ‘The Thick of It.’
Any genuine progressive should work together to stop Brexit – this is a national emergency, requiring national cooperation.
I would delete Donald Trump. I would delete Hillary Clinton. I would delete the man who was responsible for Brexit.
Jeremy Corbyn and Keir Starmer are quite right to call for a Brexit that puts jobs first, and to hold ministers to account for their promise to negotiate a trade deal with the E.U. that delivers ‘the exact same benefits‘ as single market membership.
Those who argue for Brexit are wrong, and that is because they have not been properly informed about the costs.
The audience for facts, evidence and research about microtargeting, Facebook and Brexit is tiny.
Brexit has been a strain on all of us. In some ways it has paralysed us.
The Labour party still really has no idea why their peo

The Labour party still really has no idea why their people voted for Brexit. They still think that basically it’s naive Labour voters being conned by terribly clever Tories.
Although the most amount of attention went to what happened in the United States and in Brexit, Cambridge Analytica and its predecessor, SCL Group, worked in countries around the world, particularly in the developing world, to manipulate elections for their clients. So it was global.
The entire debate around a ‘No Deal’ Brexit assigns a vastly overstated importance to the role of government in daily life.
If only Brexit would go away. It sucks the political oxygen away from the issues we should all be discussing: like low wages, insecure jobs and the housing crisis.
Having spent six years as Europe Minister, I am in no doubt about the technical challenge Brexit presents lawmakers.
I don’t think anybody voted for the Green Party without knowing what our position was on Brexit.
No Conservative wants a bad Brexit deal, or to do anything that increases the threat of a Corbyn Government.
Brexit was a fantastic example of a nation shooting itself full in the face.
Brexit is turning out to be a really really bad meal. We ordered steak and chips and we’ve now got some raw chicken that smells bad.
The English, being the most practical people in the world, came up with parliamentary democracy and codified football and Cadbury’s Creme Egg. And yet they voted for Brexit.
Labour are a danger to our security and our economy and are wholly incapable of negotiating the best Brexit deal for Britain.
Brexit is really a good forerunner of what’s going to happen here in November, I think. The same angst that drove that vote is driving the American election.
Look at what the divisiveness of Brexit has done to the U.K.
Brexit stops Britain from being Great Britain.
I confess that when I hear Boris Johnson’s slogan let’s get Brexit done it sends a chill. Because it’s let’s get Brexit done so we can focus on the important domestic issues.
Only Boris Johnson will get the best Brexit deal for Britain, defeat Jeremy Corbyn’s divisive shambles of an opposition, and govern the United Kingdom in the national interest.
Including myself, it is now clear that there is a significant group of Conservative MPs who think that a People’s Vote – a vote on the final form Brexit will take, is absolutely indispensable for the future wellbeing of our country.
Although economic grievances were critical in delivering the referendum result, Brexit has fomented an all-out culture war.
Suspension of disbelief is a necessary ingredient in all storytelling. So it has been with the government’s narrative that it is delivering Brexit.
I’m not sure a pain-free Brexit is possible.
Whatever may have been suggested by some Leavers during the referendum it must be clear now that the Brexit process is immensely complicated.
The truth is the Tories don’t own Brexit. No party owns Brexit and that includes the Brexit Party.
Between Trump’s election and Brexit, there were all sorts of opinions coming out of the woodwork that I thought had died out a long time ago. I was like, ‘What’s the point?’ All we do is bad things. The history of humanity is the history of people exploiting each other.
I think one of the laughable things about poor old Brexit is that they’re so cross – they’re furious with everyone. But this isn’t a cross country; this is a generous and optimistic country.
Mark Carney is one of the enemies of Brexit. He has opposed it consistently.
Leaving people worse off financially is a Brexit outcome nobody supports, whether they voted leave or remain.
Already, even before we have left the EU, Brexit is damaging our country, our economy, our society and our standing in the world – damage that will be worsened by the kind of ruinous no deal being pledged by some who aspire to become prime minister.
I don’t know; we’ll see what happens with Brexit. If they make it so that you can’t travel any more without a visa, I’m going to have to leave the country, stay in the E.U., and probably change my citizenship.
London thrives because it is one of the most open cities in the world, but Brexit is shutting the door on talented people coming to live and work here – the people we need when we get sick, the ones we see on the Tube, our friends and neighbours. Even worse, it has made London a less tolerant place.
I’d love to tell you that everyone who voted Brexit felt like me about the country, about the Union Jack and the cricket team. But I don’t think that there’s as much romanticism in it, perhaps, as people think.
Is it just me, or did 2019 feel like an endless fight? Tension over Brexit and climate-change protests trickled down into our everyday lives, putting pressure on every relationship.
Resistance to Brexit is the logic of everything Labour

Resistance to Brexit is the logic of everything Labour stands for.
Brexit is so extraordinary in so many ways.
Boris Johnson and Jeremy Hunt have not been responsible. Instead they have vied in an arms race towards a more and more extreme form of Brexit. Deeper red lines, even more ludicrous promises, but absolutely no coherent or workable plan for the country.
A Brexit that works for Britain needs to work for small businesses and must ensure that our future trade deals don’t just work for big business.
Italy is working to make sure the Brexit shock is an opportunity for a European reawakening.
Paolo Gentiloni
The people should make the final decision on Brexit when they see the government’s Brexit deal.
We have to be extremely strict on the implementation of Brexit so there is a common approach between member states. We must avoid a sector-by-sector or country-by-country approach, and ask the U.K. to be clear.
If the vote that is progressive is split then all that does is open up the path for the Brexit party and allow it to pretend it represents the majority view in this country.
We need to take back control of our political process. We know so much more about what Brexit will mean, and the health implications, especially for those who are already in a disadvantaged position.
Many Britons who backed Brexit believed – and believe still – that a U.K. ‘freed’ from ‘Europe’ would be able to recover and re-establish its historic destiny as an independent global trading nation.
Senior Tories have exhibited a brand of entitled arrogance that implies that they own Brexit. It seems that anyone else who claims its mantle can be pushed to one side. And that includes voters.
Certainly, I know from my own work at the Department of Transport the potential chaos that will follow a ‘no deal’ Brexit. It will cause disruption, delay and deep damage to our economy.
I want to stop Brexit.
Brexit is an immensely complex national challenge encompassing issues from sovereignty and trade to security in an increasingly interdependent world.
Brexit has given us the start of a conversation with people who perhaps haven’t traditionally voted Conservative.
I don’t think one moment that we should sink to the levels of the Brexiters – the dodgy money, the electoral lawbreaking and the lying – but I do wonder if those of us who remain deeply concerned about the consequences of Brexit are really landing all the blows that we can.
The biggest opportunities from Brexit will come from more trade with the rest of the world.
Why did we lose Brexit? Why, because 60 per cent of youth didn’t believe they needed to go and vote.
The closer we come to the Greek tragedy that is Brexit, the more horrifying it is to behold.
I challenge the Government to come clean on the cost of Brexit. The reason they can’t look us in the eye, it’s because they know this will leave us worse off and with less control. It’s a gross abuse of civil service impartiality.
We don’t see any material impact of Brexit, either in the U.K. or in the neighbouring countries and the U.K.’s trading partners.
Brexit is a self-inflicted wound; the people of this country hold the knife, and they don’t have to use it if they don’t want to. The people, not the hardline Brexiteers, are in charge.
There is no form of Brexit that will be good for our country but a no-deal Brexit will be the most catastrophic of them all.
If you look at it ideologically, I would say Brexit is not something that probably is good for the world.
As Liberal Democrats, our plan is to stop Brexit and with it the nurse tax and other barriers to E.U. nurses coming to work in our NHS.
A Brexit with a poor outcome will damage our country and lead to years of further division.
Hospitals don’t have enough beds, staff shortages are being exacerbated by the uncertainty surrounding what Brexit means for EU nationals and our ability to access new cancer treatments is under threat.
Of course Brexit means that something is wrong in Europe. But Brexit means also that something was wrong in Britain.
The key to stopping the hard-right nationalist forces poised to pounce on Brexit isn’t going to be finessing a reprieve for the status quo. It’s about actively creating consent for meaningful change, and expanding democratic participation beyond a second referendum.
The E.U. Withdrawal Bill fulfils an absolutely essential role in delivering a smooth and orderly Brexit.
Free to set our own laws, Brexit should act as a catalyst for a new era of prosperity for an outward-looking U.K. ambitious in removing barriers to trade, enterprise and economic growth.
For me, no one aspect of the Brexit debate displays so

For me, no one aspect of the Brexit debate displays so markedly the monomania of many Brexiteers as does the Irish question.
The country is polarised between those who would pursue a hard Brexit, which is where the prime minister is, and Remain.
I am a passionate, pragmatic, and positive believer in Brexit, and with my three-step plan, we can decisively leave the E.U.
Brexit makes me uncomfortable. It feels like we’re in no-man’s-land, and it doesn’t feel safe. People who voted to leave did so because of the scaremongering. It was all about immigration, but immigration is a great thing.
What happened with Brexit was people taking back control.
I am well aware of different views across my own party and across parliament on pretty well all Brexit issues.
The ‘Reader‘s Digestused to run a feature called ‘It Pays to Increase Your Word Power.’ The new wisdom – post-Trump and Brexit – is that it doesn’t.
Britain needs a good Brexit deal to safeguard jobs, security and trade and to build a new partnership with the E.U. Achieving this will be fiendishly difficult.
Uncertainty of any sort results in volatility, and Brexit will be no exception.
In the run-up to the 2014 Scottish referendum, the so-called ‘Cybernats’ filled the Internet with hatred of their Unionist opponents. The Brexit referendum and its aftermath have followed the same course.
No amount of extra civil servants recruited to deliver Brexit will make up for a lack of rational debate or for political judgments distorted by a desire to sound tough in order to appeal to narrow sectional interests.
One lesson of the vote for Brexit was that citizens were fed up being treated as bystanders. One of the gains of Leave was the flourishing of a sense of agency and self-determination that it afforded to many.
The Brexit thing to me just looks like a difference of opinion. I know things were lied about, but that should be a wake-up call to get all the information before you vote about something. Educate yourself.
Far from the quick and easy exit that Leave campaigners once promised, Brexit has become mired in its own internal contradictions.
In retrospect, the populist panic may have been overblown. Regarding Brexit, for example, the shock exaggerated its meaning. Because it was so unexpected, it became a sensation.
Brexit is not only not just about left and right. Brexit is about expertise.