In this post, you will find great Brexit Quotes from famous people, such as Clive Lewis, Kemi Badenoch, Charles Michel, David Gauke, Keir Starmer. You can learn and implement many lessons from these quotes.
I believe the vote for Brexit was the greatest ever vote of confidence in the project of the United Kingdom.
We were right to say from the outset that E.U. citizens should not be treated as bargaining chips but should have their rights guaranteed immediately. We were right to call on the government to publish a plan for Brexit.
One thing we can be sure of is that Brexit will leave its mark on the E.U.
Schools unable to keep their lights on and their doors open for the full working week is just the latest bleak instalment of a long-running show. The age of austerity returns for its ninth miserable year; always in the background, the common denominator in everything from the Brexit vote to knife crime.
I will always believe that my vote, and the votes of my Lib Dem colleagues, are the best thing I can do to save this country from a no-deal Brexit and save it from Boris Johnson.
Brexit will lead to a flight of talent, money and taxes – and the country will have to take on more and more debt.
The U.K. decided to leave the E.U. – Brexit means Brexit.
The Brexit campaign was transformed from a fringe eccentricity into a mass movement by a handful of people who decided to make it into an argument about identity.
From our perspective, just narrowly from the financial sector and from our institution, there’s nothing good about Brexit.
The final Brexit deal must ensure there is no diminution in Britain’s national security or ability to tackle cross-border crime.
I accept of course we’re in deep trouble and deep difficulty. But if we, under a new leader, reinvent ourselves properly as a Brexit party, we will be faced with the inevitability at some point of a general election in order to deliver Brexit because this Parliament is stopping the delivery of Brexit.
It’s irresponsible to scare E.U. nationals in the U.K. by hinting that their status might change after Brexit.
Freedom of movement in Europe has been all but abandoned as a cause in British politics. Brexit was far more about freedom of movement than our exact trading relationship with the EU, and the electorate rejected it.
I think we’ve got caught up in the weeds of Brexit, and… the approach has been to try and compromise and split the difference. And that to me is not what Brexit is about.
I’ve become a lot more politicised because of Brexit.
More and more people – Leavers and Remainers – from every region, every political party and every walk of life, are demanding a vote on the final Brexit deal before we leave the EU.
Henry VIII Clauses allowing the Government to change almost any law of the land by statutory instrument, if needed, to implement Brexit must be properly restricted.
People talk often of Brexit as the biggest challenge since the Second World War. It is certainly proving to be a lot more difficult and complicated than was promised by those who won the referendum campaign in 2016.
The E.U.’s tax and regulatory policies, climate-change and welfare spending, and free immigration even in wartime are gradually ruining Europe. That’s why I believe Brexit is good for British freedom, political autonomy, and the survival of democratic capitalism.
Brexit is the best thing to happen for Russia, for America, for Germany, and for democracy.
I think that what is happening now in terms of the Brexit vote does represent a serious undermining of the Good Friday Agreement.
I campaigned for Brexit because I have always believed that Britain would be stronger, more prosperous and secure outside of the E.U.
A united, functional opposition really could stop Brexit.
It was easy for some to jump on the Brexit result and use it to make a land-grab for Northern Ireland, and it was counterproductive.
The Tories must stop focusing on their ideological obsession with a hard Brexit and their internal party divisions and start focusing on what is best for our country and our economy. Their absurd proposal that the U.K. should become the E.U.’s tariff collector is neither practical nor palatable across the Channel.
Brexit wasn’t the European people’s first cry of revolt. In 2005, France and the Netherlands held referendums about the proposed European Union constitution. In both countries, opposition was massive, and other governments decided on the spot to halt the experiment for fear the contagion might spread.
What a travesty it is that the high priests of Leave in 2016, who insisted to all of us that Brexit would mean a return to parliamentary sovereignty, are undermining and circumventing parliamentary sovereignty in order to deliver their hard Brexit.
There is no question in my mind that a ‘Brexit’ would deal a significant blow to the E.U.’s strength and resilience at exactly the moment when the West is under attack from multiple directions.
Whether it is a hard or soft Brexit, there are opportunities here for us to be had.
My eldest son you know, in his short life so far, he’s experimented with Corbynism, Communism, Brexit. He’s now Welsh nationalist and libertarian.
I’m proud to say like many of my colleagues in the Conservative Party I am fully behind Theresa May’s Brexit plans.
I was struck during the Brexit debate by how little discussion there was about the origins of the concept of a united Europe.
Mr Corbyn, I accuse you of failing to do your duty by not opposing in any real sense our government on the most important issue of our times – Brexit.
Brexit is a cliff, not a gradient. The mistake we are in danger of making is to believe that some Brexits are better than others when the fundamental problem is Brexit itself.
Once the country voted for Brexit, I wanted the prime minister to make a success of it, but I knew that unpicking 45 years of entwinement with the E.U. would be impossible without our elected lawmakers being fully involved.
If Parliament is voting overwhelmingly against leaving the European Union without a deal but is voting in favour of a softer Brexit, then I don’t think it’s sustainable to ignore Parliament’s position and therefore leave without a deal.
The arguments in the Brexit vote and in the American presidential campaign are about the same. In a friendly way, may I also give some advice to the American people to make the right choice when the moment comes.
Left to their own devices, the Tories will squash the life out of what Brexit really represents in terms of the chance to shake up political life and overturn a complacent status quo. We cannot let that happen.
The Conservatives as a Brexit party, being very clear about their objectives are almost certainly going to have to go into some kind of electoral arrangement with the Brexit Party, otherwise Brexit doesn’t happen.
Brexit and Trump are a generational revenge. This may partly be against millennial certainty and superiority, and, indeed, ageism; and it may be a natural part of population dynamics – not only are more people getting far older than ever before, but they are older for longer than they are young.
I worry about the direction of the U.K. and U.K. politics and governance in the event of a Brexit.
One might have thought that Brexit would be a wake-up call for the American media. Yet, just as in the U.K. referendum, ‘Russia’ became the buzzword in the U.S. election that the political and media establishments thought would scare people into voting for the status quo.
If the widespread attempts to block Brexit gave us a glimpse into how fragile our commitment to democracy had become – reduced to a technocratic in-name-only veneer – reactions to Covid are a stark reminder that freedom cannot be assumed as a social norm that’s deeply embedded into our institutions and our psyche.
There’s a way that we can deliver a Brexit that works for our country, and the really interesting thing is the amount of Tory MPs working with Labour MPs, forming that consensus.
I would argue that in terms of our country’s international profile, Brexit is just as significant a development as any military engagement.
I think Brexit is disappointing from an economic perspective.
With a post Brexit economic policy that sets our economy and country on the right track, with new freedoms, the U.K. will exercise greater fiscal flexibility and regulatory reform to transform our country into a dynamic engine of prosperity, job creation and growth.
With Brexit, and I think the extraordinary strain it’s put on our constitution and our representative democracy, I do sometimes feel like I’m in the middle of the 17th Century, when you are standing up for the rights of Parliament.
Brexit has changed everything in British politics – it has blown open a cosy, zombie-like closed world of Westminster parliamentary politics. It has broken open the traditional line between left and right, which was already an exhausted tradition.
I think our stance on Brexit has perhaps been one of the most powerful things in helping people to recognise the values of the Liberal Democrats.
For some, a sense of responsibility towards their constituents prevented them from entertaining no deal, or in some cases any form of Brexit, even as their electorate asked for it.
Part of the Brexit debate was about control, having a say over our laws and money and letting politicians stand up for what the people voted for, not signing away our sovereignty.
Given that the reality of Brexit has turned out to be so far from what was once promised, the democratic thing to do is to give the public the final say.
We didn’t do Brexit. We didn’t get money for it. We didn’t do work for it. We didn’t sign a contract.
We champion freedom – but Brexit will mean the next generation is less free to live, work and love across Europe.
Those who think that Brexit offers an opportunity to move to some low tax, almost off-shore de-regulatory haven don’t seem to care about the threat posed by Corbyn.
I think, as ever, with a big change like Brexit, it’s awakened people’s interest in politics.
I’m obsessed with Brexit.
Brexit is a ceaseless grind of conversations about customs unions and backstops. Anything that can add an air of whimsical, childlike wonder to proceedings can only be a good thing.
However painful or regrettable Brexit may be, it will not stop the E.U. as it moves to the future; we need to move forward.
Being in the European Union has its advantages, and I think that is what the British are beginning to understand, what those who are tempted by the Brexit are going to reflect upon.
I don’t think Brexit is going to help people in Britain.
Brexit can be stopped.
In a deeply divided country we must either work together to get the best deal we can – and this needs compromise – or accept that Brexit cannot be implemented and think again about what we are doing.
I was strongly against Brexit. I speechified against Brexit.
We will vote down a blind Brexit. This isn’t about frustrating the process. It’s about stopping a destructive Tory Brexit. It’s about fighting for our values and about fighting for our country.
Climate change remains the biggest threat to our civilisation, economy and security – even bigger than Brexit.
To deliver Brexit you must believe in it.
Brexit has always been an impossible project, except at the price of massive self-harm.
Ever since Theresa May’s premiership, I have become suspicious of the ‘lectern moment’. That is when the prime minister steps outside Downing Street to address the nation on Brexit.
The only thing that I know for sure is that the people who invest in the U.K., those investors, believe strongly that the ramifications of a hard Brexit are very bad, and they believe that a recession will take place in the U.K., and that would clearly be negative for banks of the U.K.
Putting the Withdrawal Bill in order is an essential step to stability and achieving a reasonable outcome to Brexit.
A Brexit Britain that will navigate its way in the world without a moral compass.
Brexit will not be easy.
The Brexit referendum showed us to be divided, and those of us who campaigned for remain have to accept that we lost. But that does not mean that we have to agree to the deal the prime minister has brought back – a deal that satisfies no one.
I thought we were getting more liberal as a society, more inclusive and I’m gutted racism has come back stronger with Brexit, devastated and I feel Brexit promotes a racist attitude.
I said a vote to leave would be a Brexit tax. I couldn’t think of anything stronger than that.
Good government has essentially broken down in the face of Brexit.
In the absence of honesty from the Conservative party leadership, it is Labour’s duty to spell out the very real consequences of a no-deal Brexit. It is also our duty to take whatever steps are necessary to prevent it.
If you want any hope of staying in the EU, or having a Brexit that doesn’t mean capitulation to ethno-nationalism, you’ve got to tie it to a wider vision of political and economic transformation.
As I’ve said many times, Vote Leave could only win because the Establishment’s OODA loops are broken – as the Brexit negotiations painfully demonstrate daily – and they are systematically bad at decisions, and this created just enough space for us to win.
As a past attorney general I consider a WTO Brexit to be a disaster for us as, leaving aside the economic damage it will cause, it would trash our reputation for observing our international obligations – as it must lead to our breaching the Good Friday Agreement with Ireland on the Irish border.
I believe Britain’s response to Brexit must be based on core progressive values: internationalism, cooperation, social justice and the rule of law.
Our best hope in meeting the many challenges that Brexit brings for us is being willing to be open-minded about the options we may choose to pursue.
We have collectively to face up to the fact that in the two main political parties there are substantial disagreements on the best form Brexit should take.
The things being smuggled in under the cover of Brexit will damage so much of what we hold dear. A cabal of tycoons would see their wealth and influence turbocharged, while the mass of the population would see their prosperity, their security and, ultimately, their liberty dwindle away.
There are tradeoffs between independence and co-operation, between regulatory autonomy and market access. This means that compromises are necessary to deliver a pragmatic Brexit that protects jobs and living standards while respecting the referendum result.
Given the right to – given the opportunity to vote, I voted for Brexit because I’ve never approved really of the European Union, I never approved of it because of its attempts to confiscate national sovereignty in all the issues that matter.
A failure to listen to the party’s grassroots was a charge regularly levelled at Theresa May – particularly over Brexit.
Once Brexit is delivered, we then need to think about how we can make the Conservatives look new and sound different.
Brexit doesn’t guarantee that migration will come down.
I welcome the Independent Group as it is committed to saving the country from a catastrophic hard Brexit.
I am Brexit tooth and claw, but we need to be pragmatic and sensible and leave with a deal.
The Brexit debate has been difficult and divisive.
I’ve been clear that Brexit means Brexit.
I don’t think anybody has any idea what the economic impact of Brexit will be.
There is one party, the Conservative Party who is committed to honouring the referendum result, getting Brexit done and then delivering on the priorities of the British people.
At least from a national security standpoint, none of the problems the U.S. and U.K. face will become easier to solve if the U.K. is out of the E.U.; on the contrary, I fear that a ‘Brexit’ would only make our world even more dangerous and difficult to manage.
I was asked by a journalist to sum up the story in a minute, and I was like, ‘No.’ It goes from Trump to Brexit to Russian espionage to military operations in Afghanistan to hacking the president of Nigeria. Where do you even begin?
The Brexit Party doesn’t have any candidates, because it’s not a proper political party.
Unless and until I can see an opportunity of actually reversing Brexit and restoring a stable membership of the European Union, then in the real world I concentrate on minimising the damage.
We don’t know what is going to happen with Brexit, it’s not going to be good for the North anyway whatever happens. It’s not going to be good for Ireland whatever happens. And the problem is we don’t know what is going to happen so we can’t really prepare so everything is speculation.
Actually, Brexit is an incredibly important issue, but it’s not the only issue. And to be a credible party of Government you need to have plans for everything, not just for the delivery of Brexit.
Brexit was not a coup. Far from it. In the eyes of most analysts, it was a clear sign that people are frustrated and fed up with the status quo; this is particularly the case with independent voters.
They get the faceless bureaucrats in Brussels and Strasbourg who have ruled and told the Brits how to live and making promises for them that their lives would get better and talking about a future based on globalism versus family and individual and local community. That’s what Brexit was all about.
The BBC always wants to blame things on Brexit. I’m not saying this is a conspiracy: I’m saying it is a fact of life.
On the night of Brexit, while some people were celebrating and others were having wakes, I stayed in and played Beethoven, his quartets mainly, into the small hours of the morning.
One of the great tragedies of Brexit has been that despite the fact there was an unprecedented public vote for change, Brexit was almost hijacked, owned, and controlled by a technocratic establishment.
A hard Brexit would be so damaging to the true interests of the UK that what might follow – if we are lucky – is a great unmasking, not just of the political fantasists and chancers who peddled the great Brexit swindle, but of the historical delusion that empowered them.
Eighty per cent of the membership of the Conservative Party are very keen to make sure that Brexit happens, we’ll be in a position to enthusiastically support leaving the E.U. with no deal and if we are then able to agree a position to put to the country, I think we would hit the ball out of the park.
I would delete Donald Trump. I would delete Hillary Clinton. I would delete the man who was responsible for Brexit.
Those who argue for Brexit are wrong, and that is because they have not been properly informed about the costs.
Brexit has been a strain on all of us. In some ways it has paralysed us.
Although the most amount of attention went to what happened in the United States and in Brexit, Cambridge Analytica and its predecessor, SCL Group, worked in countries around the world, particularly in the developing world, to manipulate elections for their clients. So it was global.
The entire debate around a ‘No Deal’ Brexit assigns a vastly overstated importance to the role of government in daily life.
No Conservative wants a bad Brexit deal, or to do anything that increases the threat of a Corbyn Government.
Look at what the divisiveness of Brexit has done to the U.K.
Brexit stops Britain from being Great Britain.
Only Boris Johnson will get the best Brexit deal for Britain, defeat Jeremy Corbyn’s divisive shambles of an opposition, and govern the United Kingdom in the national interest.
Including myself, it is now clear that there is a significant group of Conservative MPs who think that a People’s Vote – a vote on the final form Brexit will take, is absolutely indispensable for the future wellbeing of our country.
Suspension of disbelief is a necessary ingredient in all storytelling. So it has been with the government’s narrative that it is delivering Brexit.
I’m not sure a pain-free Brexit is possible.
Between Trump’s election and Brexit, there were all sorts of opinions coming out of the woodwork that I thought had died out a long time ago. I was like, ‘What’s the point?’ All we do is bad things. The history of humanity is the history of people exploiting each other.
I think one of the laughable things about poor old Brexit is that they’re so cross – they’re furious with everyone. But this isn’t a cross country; this is a generous and optimistic country.
Leaving people worse off financially is a Brexit outcome nobody supports, whether they voted leave or remain.
Already, even before we have left the EU, Brexit is damaging our country, our economy, our society and our standing in the world – damage that will be worsened by the kind of ruinous no deal being pledged by some who aspire to become prime minister.
I don’t know; we’ll see what happens with Brexit. If they make it so that you can’t travel any more without a visa, I’m going to have to leave the country, stay in the E.U., and probably change my citizenship.
London thrives because it is one of the most open cities in the world, but Brexit is shutting the door on talented people coming to live and work here – the people we need when we get sick, the ones we see on the Tube, our friends and neighbours. Even worse, it has made London a less tolerant place.
I’d love to tell you that everyone who voted Brexit felt like me about the country, about the Union Jack and the cricket team. But I don’t think that there’s as much romanticism in it, perhaps, as people think.
Resistance to Brexit is the logic of everything Labour stands for.
Brexit is so extraordinary in so many ways.
A Brexit that works for Britain needs to work for small businesses and must ensure that our future trade deals don’t just work for big business.
Italy is working to make sure the Brexit shock is an opportunity for a European reawakening.
The people should make the final decision on Brexit when they see the government’s Brexit deal.
We have to be extremely strict on the implementation of Brexit so there is a common approach between member states. We must avoid a sector-by-sector or country-by-country approach, and ask the U.K. to be clear.
If the vote that is progressive is split then all that does is open up the path for the Brexit party and allow it to pretend it represents the majority view in this country.
We need to take back control of our political process. We know so much more about what Brexit will mean, and the health implications, especially for those who are already in a disadvantaged position.
Certainly, I know from my own work at the Department of Transport the potential chaos that will follow a ‘no deal’ Brexit. It will cause disruption, delay and deep damage to our economy.
I want to stop Brexit.
Brexit is an immensely complex national challenge encompassing issues from sovereignty and trade to security in an increasingly interdependent world.
Brexit has given us the start of a conversation with people who perhaps haven’t traditionally voted Conservative.
The biggest opportunities from Brexit will come from more trade with the rest of the world.
I challenge the Government to come clean on the cost of Brexit. The reason they can’t look us in the eye, it’s because they know this will leave us worse off and with less control. It’s a gross abuse of civil service impartiality.
We don’t see any material impact of Brexit, either in the U.K. or in the neighbouring countries and the U.K.’s trading partners.
Brexit is a self-inflicted wound; the people of this country hold the knife, and they don’t have to use it if they don’t want to. The people, not the hardline Brexiteers, are in charge.
There is no form of Brexit that will be good for our country but a no-deal Brexit will be the most catastrophic of them all.
If you look at it ideologically, I would say Brexit is not something that probably is good for the world.
A Brexit with a poor outcome will damage our country and lead to years of further division.
Hospitals don’t have enough beds, staff shortages are being exacerbated by the uncertainty surrounding what Brexit means for EU nationals and our ability to access new cancer treatments is under threat.
Of course Brexit means that something is wrong in Europe. But Brexit means also that something was wrong in Britain.
Free to set our own laws, Brexit should act as a catalyst for a new era of prosperity for an outward-looking U.K. ambitious in removing barriers to trade, enterprise and economic growth.
For me, no one aspect of the Brexit debate displays so markedly the monomania of many Brexiteers as does the Irish question.
The country is polarised between those who would pursue a hard Brexit, which is where the prime minister is, and Remain.
I am a passionate, pragmatic, and positive believer in Brexit, and with my three-step plan, we can decisively leave the E.U.
Brexit makes me uncomfortable. It feels like we’re in no-man’s-land, and it doesn’t feel safe. People who voted to leave did so because of the scaremongering. It was all about immigration, but immigration is a great thing.
What happened with Brexit was people taking back control.
Britain needs a good Brexit deal to safeguard jobs, security and trade and to build a new partnership with the E.U. Achieving this will be fiendishly difficult.
One lesson of the vote for Brexit was that citizens were fed up being treated as bystanders. One of the gains of Leave was the flourishing of a sense of agency and self-determination that it afforded to many.
Far from the quick and easy exit that Leave campaigners once promised, Brexit has become mired in its own internal contradictions.
In retrospect, the populist panic may have been overblown. Regarding Brexit, for example, the shock exaggerated its meaning. Because it was so unexpected, it became a sensation.
Brexit is not only not just about left and right. Brexit is about expertise.
